Doña Josefa Ortiz de Domínguez
A member of the Mexican elite who fought for independence.
A member of the Mexican elite who fought for independence.
Sandra Cisneros has won multiple awards, fellowships, and honors as an internationally recognized writer. On September 22, 2016, President Barack Obama presented Cisneros with the National Medal of Arts for her work. Her book called The House on Mango Street, has sold over six million copies and has been translated into over twenty languages.
According to Antonia Hernández, she “went to law school for one reason: to use the law as a vehicle for social change.” Decades later, she can claim numerous legal victories for the Latinx community in the areas of voting rights, employment, education, and immigration. From legal aid work, to counsel to the Senate Judiciary Committee, to head of a major civil rights organization, Hernández has used the law to realize social change at every turn.
As an individualist who was disengaged from any official artistic movement, Kahlo’s artwork has been associated with Primitivism, Indigenism, Magic Realism, and Surrealism. Posthumously, Kahlo’s artwork has grown profoundly influential for feminist studies and postcolonial debates, while Kahlo has become an international cultural icon.
Izquierdo’s work opened up new possibilities for using symbols tied to Mexican traditions in a way other than to serve the nationalist discourse in art at the time. Izquierdo believed in art for art’s sake and wanted to go beyond the bounds of political art then. While the concept of art for art’s sake traced back to nineteenth-century European avant-gardes, in her context of post-revolutionary Mexico, this direction in art especially bucked the trend of using art as a propagandistic tool. Instead, art’s meaning, for Izquierdo, could be personal and variegated, not following the lines set by the politically powerful art establishment then.
Co-founder of the United Farm Workers Association, Dolores Clara Fernandez Huerta is one of the most influential labor activists of the 20th century and a leader of the Chicano civil rights movement.
Born on April 10, 1930 in Dawson, New Mexico, Huerta was the second of three children of Alicia and Juan Fernandez, a farm worker and miner who became a state legislator in 1938. Her parents divorced when Huerta was three years old, and her mother moved to Stockton, California with her children. Huerta’s grandfather helped raise Huerta and her two brothers while her mother juggled jobs as a waitress and cannery worker until she could buy a small hotel and restaurant. Alicia’s community activism and compassionate treatment of workers greatly influenced her daughter.
Discrimination also helped shape Huerta. A schoolteacher, prejudiced against Hispanics, accused Huerta of cheating because her papers were too well-written. In 1945 at the end of World War II, white men brutally beat her brother for wearing a Zoot-Suit, a popular Latino fashion.
Huerta received an associate teaching degree from the University of the Pacific’s Delta College. She married Ralph Head while a student and had two daughters, though the couple soon divorced. She subsequently married fellow activist Ventura Huerta with whom she had five children, though that marriage also did not last. Huerta briefly taught school in the 1950s, but seeing so many hungry farm children coming to school, she thought she could do more to help them by organizing farmers and farm workers.
In 1955 Huerta began her career as an activist when she co-founded the Stockton chapter of the Community Service Organization (CSO), which led voter registration drives and fought for economic improvements for Hispanics. She also founded the Agricultural Workers Association. Through a CSO associate, Huerta met activist César Chávez, with whom she shared an interest in organizing farm workers. In 1962, Huerta and Chávez founded the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), the predecessor of the United Farm Workers’ Union (UFW), which formed three year later. Huerta served as UFW vice president until 1999.
Despite ethnic and gender bias, Huerta helped organize the 1965 Delano strike of 5,000 grape workers and was the lead negotiator in the workers’ contract that followed. Throughout her work with the UFW, Huerta organized workers, negotiated contracts, advocated for safer working conditions including the elimination of harmful pesticides. She also fought for unemployment and healthcare benefits for agricultural workers. Huerta was the driving force behind the nationwide table grape boycotts in the late 1960s that led to a successful union contract by 1970.
In 1973, Huerta led another consumer boycott of grapes that resulted in the ground-breaking California Agricultural Labor Relations Act of 1975, which allowed farm workers to form unions and bargain for better wages and conditions. Throughout the 1970s and ‘80s, Huerta worked as a lobbyist to improve workers’ legislative representation. During the 1990s and 2000s, she worked to elect more Latinos and women to political office and has championed women’s issues.
The recipient of many honors, Huerta received the Eleanor Roosevelt Human Rights Award in 1998 and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2012. As of 2015, she was a board member of the Feminist Majority Foundation, the Secretary-Treasurer Emeritus of the United Farm Workers of America, and the President of the Dolores Huerta Foundation.
As a Mexican-American journalist, activist, and suffragist, Jovita Idár often faced dangerous situations. However, she never backed down from a challenge. She single-handedly protected her newspaper headquarters when the Texas Rangers came to shut it down, and crossed the border to serve as a nurse during the Mexican Revolution. Idár bravely fought the injustices in her time.
Ximena Cuevas is a Mexican video performance artist, whose work often explores the social and gender issues that lesbians face in Mexico. She is one of Mexico’s first video artists to be recognised by major American cultural institutions. Her videos and films have screened at the Sundance Film Festival, New York Film Festival, and the touring film series, Mexperimental Cinema, as well as New York’s Museum of Modern Art and the Guggenheim Museum, Berkeley Art Museum, Contemporary Art Museum of San Diego, and the Museo Universitario de Arte Contemporáneo de la Ciudad de México. In 2001, MoMA acquired nine of Cuevas’ videos for the museum’s permanent collection, which was the first time a Mexican video artist’s work had been included in MoMA’s collection; 24 of her videos are in now in the collection.
Cuevas has been recognized by the Mexican government as a significant contributor to videography. Many of her films offer social commentary on corruption and its impact on culture, society and politics, and explore from a feminist perspective the place of women in society, particularly lesbians.
After becoming disillusioned with traditional films being made in Mexico and internationally, Cuevas purchased a camera and began producing her own films in 1990. Her work is known for its subtle irony of evaluating contemporary society and exposing the disconnect between social customs and beliefs versus the reality of living using a combination of truth and fiction. She deconstructs myths of the “typical middle-class Mexican family”, heteronormative relationships and concepts of beauty, by parodying the ridiculousness of their traditional portrayal in popular culture. In her own words, her films reveal the “half lies” of the collective Mexican imagination. Among her noted works is the 1993 video clip entitled “Corazon Sangrante”.
Teresa Villarreal González was a feminist, labor organizer, and political activist who supported the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) and the Mexican Revolution (1910–17). She and her sister Andrea published the feminist newspaper La Mujer Moderna (The Modern Woman) in 1910. That year, Teresa also established El Obrero: Periódico Independiente (The Worker: Liberal Newspaper) in San Antonio, Texas, and published articles that addressed issues of the working class and called for mass involvement in Mexican Revolution’s struggle for a democratic government. Along with economic, educational, and cultural improvements for the masses, she advocated for the emancipation of women.
Maria Gertrudis “Tules” Barceló was a saloon owner and master gambler in Santa Fe in the Territory of New Mexico in the 1830s-1850s. She reolcated sometime after Mexican authorities fined her for operating a gambling salon for miners in the Ortiz Mountains. Barceló amassed a small fortune by capitalizing on the flow of American and Mexican traders involved with the commercial highway of the Santa Fe Trail. She became infamous in the U.S. as the Mexican “Queen of Sin” through a series of American travel writings and newspaper serials before, during, and after the Mexican-American War. These depictions, often intended to explain or justify the U.S. invasion of Mexico, presented La Tules as a madame and prostitute who symbolized the supposedly immoral nature of the local Mexican population. In addition to false assertions that she was a prostitute, many also claimed that she was having an illicit affair with New Mexico Governor Manuel Armijo. The sensational accounts were typicallyembellished, if not completely fabricated. Most of the American descriptions of Tules Barceló contradicted each other wildly in terms of her appearance and background. The only common agreement among them was that Barceló excelled at the card game monte, often winning vast piles of gold from the male customers in her saloon. Barceló died on January 17, 1852 in Santa Fe with a remarkable fortune of $10,000 and several houses.